A Description of Greenland — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Egede, Hans, 1686-1758 Project Gutenberg 2018 Not confirmed
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Words 55,895
Reading time 244 min
Text sections 7

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Hans Egede's 1741 natural history and ethnography of Greenland, based on 25 years as a missionary. The text moves from geography and climate to detailed accounts of animals, Inuit customs, and language, with a plain, observational style that shifts between scientific catalog and personal encounter.
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land was first discovered by Eric, surnamed Rufus, or the Red, in the year 981 or 982[1]. This chieftain was of Norwegian extraction. His father had fled from Norway, and taken refuge in Iceland, in order to avoid the vengeance which menaced him, on account of a murder which he had perpetrated in his native land. Eric appears to have committed in Iceland a crime similar to that for which his father had fled from Norway. In endeavouring to escape the pursuit of justice, Eric accidentally discovered the coast which is the present object of our inquiry. He took his departure from Iceland at the port of Snæfellzness, which is situate in a Western promontory of that island. He arrived in the vicinity of a mountain called Midjokul[2]; or, as it is denominated by others, Miklajokul. Peyrere interprets this, “_le grand glaçon_,” the great mountain of ice. Subsequent navigators gave it the name of Bloeserken, or Blue Smock, and others of Huidserken, or White Smock, according to the variations in the hue of the ice in different aspects and at different periods of the year.

Eric passed the first winter after his departure from Iceland in an island which he called after his own name, Ericscun, and which Torfæus places in the midst of the cultivated Eastern district. In the following spring he entered one of the bays of Eastern Greenland, to which he gave the name of Ericsfiord; and where he formed his first settlement, which he denominated Brattahlis. In the summer of the same year he explored parts of the more Western district, and gave names to many of the places which he visited[3]. He passed the following winter in the island of Ericscun; and in the succeeding summer he passed over to the main land, and proceeded along the Northern coast till he reached an immense rock, which he called Sneefiell, or the Rock of Snow. At this point he gave the name of Ravensfiord to another bay, on account of the multitudes of that ill-omened bird with which this spot abounds. Other parts of the coast derived their appellations from the names of the different adventurers who accompanied Eric in this expedition, as, Hergulfsness, Ketillsfiord, Solvadal, Einarsfiord, &c[4].

In the following summer Eric, having conciliated the forgiveness, or purchased the forbearance, of his enemies in Iceland, returned to that country to procure an additional supply of inhabitants for his new settlement. In order to render his proposals more attractive, he named the country for which he was endeavouring to provide colonists, Greenland, as if, compared with the rugged sterility of their native Iceland, it was a region of verdure and delight. He described it as abounding in cattle, and as rich in every species of game and fish. And as such delusive representations, when assisted by the vivid eloquence of enthusiasm, or the unhesitating assurance of effrontery, seldom fail of their effect, Eric returned to his recent acquisition with numerous ships, and a large body of settlers, from Iceland.

In less than twenty years after Eric the Red had begun to colonize Greenland, his son Leiff, who had made a voyage into Norway, renounced his Pagan errors, and received the baptismal rite. His conversion was owing to the example and the admonitions of King Olave Tryggwine, or Trugguerus[5], who had himself recently embraced the same doctrine, and had been very successful in causing it to be diffused throughout his dominions.

Leiff, having passed the winter at the court of the King of Norway, returned to Greenland, in company with a priest and some other missionaries, whom the King had commissioned to instruct Eric, and the other settlers, in the faith which Leiff had embraced. On their voyage to Greenland they met some mariners, who were floating upon a wreck in the open sea. These they took on board, and conveyed to the new settlement. Eric, at first, incensed with his son for having laid open to strangers the route to the new-discovered country, turned a deaf ear to his Christian admonitions. But the earnestness of the son, seconded by the instruction of the missionaries, at last prevailed over the insensibility of the father, who submitted to the rite of baptism, when the other Greenlanders followed his example.

The Christian doctrine, which had been thus introduced, was so much approved, and so generally received, that churches were established in twelve different parts of East Greenland, and in four of the Western district. Torfæus makes the year 1000 the era of the conversion of the Greenland colonists to the Christian faith. This historian of ancient Greenland has also preserved a list of its bishops, from the year 1021 to 1406, after which period no mention is made of any subsequent episcopal appointments; and indeed the intercourse between Greenland and the native region of the first settlers appears to have been previously discontinued.

A Danish Chronicle, which M. Peyrere had consulted, refers the discovery of Greenland to a much earlier date than that which has been given upon the authority of Torfæus; and the earlier date of 770 is more likely to be true, if, as M. Peyrere mentions, there is a bull of Pope Gregory IV, in 835, relative to the propagation of the Christian faith in the North of Europe, in which Iceland and Greenland are particularly mentioned.

The Danish Chronicle, to which Peyrere appeals, states, that the Kings of Denmark, having been converted to Christianity during the empire of Louis le Debonaire, Greenland had become an object of general attention at this period.

The Danish Chronicle relates, that the first settlers in Greenland were succeeded by a numerous posterity, who penetrated farther into the country, and discovered, among the rocky heights and icy mountains, some fertile spots, which were more auspicious to pasturage and cultivation. They followed the division of Greenland which Eric had established, and called the two settlements in the East and the West, Osterbygdt and Westerbygdt.

In the Eastern district the Greenlanders erected a town, to which they gave the name of Garde, where, according to Peyrere, who refers to the Chronicle, the Norwegians established a sort of emporium for the deposit and sale of their merchandize. The town of Garde became also the residence of their bishops; and the church of St. Nicholas, the patron of sailors, which was built in the same town, became the cathedral church of the Greenlanders.

As the temporal jurisdiction in Greenland was subject to the kings of Norway, so the spiritual power of the bishops was subordinate to that of the archbishops of Drontheim; and the bishops of Greenland are said frequently to have passed over to Norway, in order to consult their ecclesiastical superior.

The Danish Chronicle, which was one of the early documents upon which Peyrere founded his narrative, relates, that an insurrection broke out in Greenland, in 1256, when the inhabitants refused any longer to submit to the tributary exactions of Magnus, King of Norway. On this occasion, Eric, King of Denmark, at the request of Magnus, who had married his niece, equipped a naval armament in order to quell the rebels, and restore the authority of his nephew. The Greenland insurgents no sooner beheld the flag of the Danish fleet approaching their coast than they were struck with a panic, and sued for peace.

This peace was ratified in the year 1261. Angrim Jonas, who records the above-mentioned transaction, gives the names of the three principal inhabitants of Greenland, who signed the treaty in Norway. “Declarantes,” says Angrim, as quoted by Peyrere, “_suis factum auspiciis ut Groenlandi perpetuum tributum Norveguo denuo jurassent_.” Under their auspices the Greenlanders had been again brought to swear to pay a perpetual tribute to the Norwegian.

In composing his account of ancient Greenland, Peyrere derived his principal information from an Icelandic and a Danish Chronicle. The first was the production of Snorro Sturleson, who was a native of Iceland, and chief justiciary of that island in 1215. We are also indebted to him for the compilation of the Edda.

In the Icelandic Chronicle above-mentioned, which appears to be a tissue of different narratives, one of the chapters is entitled, a Description of Greenland, which Peyrere has copied into his account as literally as the difference of languages would admit. There is a similar description in Torfæus (p. 42, &c.), with particular but unimportant variations. Both the accounts are founded on the authority of Ivar Bert or Ivar Bevius, who had, for several years, been steward or maitre d’hotel to the Bishop of Garde, and was one of the persons who had been selected by the governor to expel the Skrellings from the Western province of Greenland or Westerbygdt, which they had invaded and depopulated.

Perhaps it will be best to insert this description of Eastern Greenland, which was the most flourishing settlement of the Norwegians in this country, as it is found in the narrative of Peyrere, and in the history of Torfæus. If the skill, the philanthropy, and the enterprize of some English navigators should ever obtain an access to this long lost settlement, and the passage should again become as safe and practicable as it was in ancient times, it will be an interesting research to compare the present state of this district with the early accounts.

The most Eastern town in Greenland, says Ivar Bert, as exhibited in the French version of Peyrere, is called Skagefiord[6], where is an uninhabitable rock, and farther out in the sea is a shoal, which prevents ships from entering the bay, except at high water, and it is at this time, or during a violent storm, that numbers of whales and of other fish enter the bay and are caught in abundance.

As you proceed a little higher towards the East, there is a port called Funkabadir, from the name of a page or missionary of St. Olave, King of Norway, who, with several other persons, suffered shipwreck at that spot[7].

In a still higher latitude, and close to the mountains of ice, or, as Torfæus says, “_propius Alpes_,” is an island, named Roansen or Ranseya[8], which, in early times, appears to have been celebrated for the quantity of animals, particularly of white bears, which it furnished for the chace. Torfæus says, that these white bears were not to be hunted without leave of the bishop. Beyond this spot the land and ocean are said to present nothing but an accumulation of snow and ice.

To the West of Herjolfsness is Kindilfiord, or, as Peyrere spells it, Hindelfiord, which is described as a cultivated and well peopled bay. Upon the right, as you enter the bay, there is a church, called Krokskirk or Korskirk, with a monastery consecrated to St. Olave and to St. Augustin, the domain of which extends to Petersvic, where there are numerous habitations. It also possesses the territory on the opposite side of the bay.

Next to Kindilfiord is Rumpesinfiord, or Rumpeyarfiord[9], in an interior recess of which there is a convent, dedicated to St. Olave, which is proprietary of the whole district to the shore of the bay. This bay contains many holms or little islands, the property of which the monastery divides with the episcopal see. Numerous hot springs are found in these islands, of which both Peyrere and Torfæus say, that they are so hot as to be inaccessible during the winter, but that in summer the temperature is so much reduced, that they become the resort of many persons in a diversity of maladies.

Next to Rumpesinfiord, is Einarsfiord, and between them is a large mansion, named _Fos_, fit for a king or “regi competens” in the language of Torfæus[10]. Here is also a large church dedicated to St. Nicholas. As you enter Lunesfiord, to the left, there is a little promontory called Klining; and beyond it an arm of the sea, denominated Grantvich. Farther in the interior is a house[11], named Daller, which belongs to the bishop’s see. The cathedral is at the end of the bay. Here is a large wood, in which cattle are left to browse.

The whole of Lunesfiord, with the large island which is called Linseya by Torfæus, Reyatsen by Peyrere, is appropriated to the cathedral. This part abounds with rein deer, which are hunted with the consent of the bishop. The island of Reyatsen contains a species of stone or marble, out of which they cut bowls, jugs, and different kinds of culinary vessels, which possess the property of resisting the fire.

More to the West is an island named Langent, where there are eight farms[12]. In the vicinity is Ericsfiord; and at the entrance of this arm of the sea there is an island called Herrieven, or the Harbour of the Lord, half of which belongs to the bishop’s see, and the other half to the church, which is called Diurnes, which is seen on entering Ericsfiord[13].

The country, says Peyrere, copying the Icelandic Chronicle, is unpeopled and desert between the Osterbygdt and Westerbygdt; and upon the borders of this desert there is a church, called Strosnes, which was formerly the metropolitan see, and the residence of the bishops of Greenland. The Westerbygdt is represented as occupied by the Skrellings[14]. This part of the country is described as possessing horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and other animals, but no human beings, either Christian or Pagan.

Such is the account which is given of the ancient state of Greenland by Ivar Bert, the author of the Chronicle, which is mentioned above, and in which, if there be some inaccurate representation, there is probably more truth.

Peyrere remarks, that the Icelandic Chronicle is incorrect in describing the church of Strosnes as the episcopal see, since that honour always belonged to the town of Garde. The Danish Chronicle, whilst regretting the interruption of the communication with Greenland, assures us, that, if the episcopal residence of Garde[15] were still standing and accessible, we should find a great number of documents for a complete and authentic history of Greenland.

The Iceland Chronicle, according to Peyrere, gives a varying and inconsistent account of the fertility of Greenland. In one part it says, that the country furnishes the best corn which is to be found in any part of the world; and that the oaks are of such vast bulk, and such stately growth, that they produce acorns as large as apples. But in another passage the same Chronicle affirms, that no seed of any kind, which is sown in Greenland, will grow on account of the cold; and that the inhabitants are unacquainted with the use of bread. The latter part of this account harmonizes with that of the Danish Chronicle, which affirms, that when the country was first discovered by Eric the Red, the sterility of the soil obliged him to subsist entirely upon fish.

But in the same Danish Chronicle, which has just been mentioned, we find it asserted, that, after the death of Eric, his successors, who penetrated farther into the country, discovered some fertile spots between the mountains, and fit either for pasture or tillage. The Icelandic Chronicle contradicts itself when it says, that nothing will grow in Greenland owing to the intensity of the cold. Peyrere also remarks, that that part of Greenland, which was peopled by the Norwegians, is in the same latitude as Upland, which is the most fertile province in Sweden, and produces fine crops of grain. And the Icelandic Chronicle itself says, in another place, that the cold in Greenland is not so great as in Norway; and very good corn is grown in that country.

Greenland, says Peyrere, like other countries, which are composed of plains and mountains, exhibits great diversities of soil, and though the close approximation to the farthest North, in many situations, destroys the process of vegetation, yet there appear to be localities, which are by no means destitute of fertility. There are pastures possessing excellent herbage; and amongst the animals, which contribute to the subsistence of man, or to other uses, we find[16] sheep, oxen, horses, rein deer, stags, and hares; and of the more savage animals, we find wolves, foxes, and an abundance of white and black bears. The Icelandic Chronicle mentions beavers and martens.

Peyrere adds[17], that grey and white falcons abound more here than in any other part of the world. The superior excellence of these birds caused them to be formerly sent to the kings of Denmark, who made presents of them to the kings and princes in the neighbouring countries, when falconry constituted one of the amusements of the great.

The above-mentioned author, who wrote in the middle of the seventeenth century[18], says, that in Greenland nature produces a singular phenomenon, which is described as a sort of miracle in the Icelandic Chronicle. This phenomenon is no other than what is commonly called the _Northern Lights_. These lights are mentioned as appearing more particularly about the time of the new moon; and illuminating the whole country, as much as if the moon were at the full. “The light is more bright,” says Peyrere, “in proportion as the night is more dark.”

The Danish Chronicle, which is quoted by Peyrere, relates, that in the year 1271 a violent hurricane from the North East drove a vast accumulation of ice upon the coast of Iceland, which was covered with so many bears and so much wood that it led to the supposition, that the territory of Greenland was extended more to the North East than had been hitherto imagined. This circumstance tempted some Northern sailors to attempt the discovery, but they found nothing but ice. The kings of Norway and Denmark had long before this fitted out ships for the same purpose, but without any more success than the Icelanders had experienced. The principal incitement to these voyages was a received opinion, or traditionary report, that this country contained numerous veins of gold, of silver, and precious stones.

The Danish Chronicle pretends, that some adventurous merchants formerly amassed a large treasure by these expeditions. But regions of silver and gold have always been amongst the favourite illusions of mankind; and the imagination has revelled in visionary mines of the precious metals, not only in the South but in the North; and both at the Equator and the Pole.

In the time of St. Olave, King of Norway, some sailors from Friesland, incited by the thirst of gold, are said to have undertaken a voyage to the North Eastern extremity of Greenland; but, instead of returning home with mountains of wealth, they were happy to escape the fury of the winds on this rocky coast, in any miserable asylum which they could find.

The Danish Chronicle, which is a mixture of truth and fable, adds, that the Frieslanders, having made a landing upon the coast, discovered some wretched cabins just rising above the earth, around which lay heaps of gold and silver ore. Each of the sailors helped himself to as much as he could carry away. But, when they were retreating to the shore, in order to re-embark with their treasure, they saw some human forms, as ugly as devils, issuing out of their earthen huts, armed with bows and arrows, and accompanied with dogs of vast size. Before all the sailors could reach the shore some of them were seized by these frightful archers, who tore them limb from limb within sight of their companions. The Danish Chronicle adds, that this region is so rich that it is peopled only by devils.

Peyrere tells us, that one of the chapters in the Icelandic Chronicle describes the ancient route between Norway and Greenland, before the navigation was rendered impracticable by the descent of accumulated mountains of ice from a more remote point of the North. But what is mentioned concerning this route contains nothing very definite or satisfactory.

The above-mentioned Icelandic Chronicle has another chapter on the affairs of Greenland, transcribed from an old book entitled _Speculum Regale_. This chapter describes some marine monsters of enormous dimensions, which were formerly seen upon the coast of Greenland. The Norwegians called the first of these prodigies Haffstramb; and speak of it as showing itself breast high above the waves. It resembled the human form in the neck, head, visage, nose, and mouth, except that the head was more than usually elevated, and terminating in a point. It had wide shoulders, at the end of which were two stumps of arms, without any hands. The body tapered downwards, but it was never visible below the middle. It had a frozen look. The emersion of this phantasm above the waves was the signal of a hurricane.

Hans Egede’s A Description of Greenland opens with a map and a table of contents that promise systematic coverage: situation, settlement, soil, climate, animals, inhabitants, and religion. The work is structured as a series of discrete chapters, each treating a single topic in a methodical, almost encyclopedic manner. Yet within this orderly framework, Egede’s voice is that of a firsthand observer who has spent twenty-five years in the country. He does not merely compile facts; he notes what he has seen, what the Greenlanders have told him, and what remains uncertain. The result is a text that oscillates between detached natural history and personal testimony, between confident assertion and cautious speculation.

A Catalog of Creatures, Observed and Reported

Egede’s descriptions of Greenland’s fauna are among the most detailed passages in the book. He devotes entire chapters to land animals, sea animals, and birds, often grouping species by their utility or behavior. The prose is plain and factual, but it occasionally reveals the limits of his knowledge. For instance, he describes a fish “not unlike a bream, only it is prickly with sharp points all over” and notes that the Greenlanders say it is “well tasted.” He does not name it. Similarly, he reports that tortoises are sometimes caught in nets on the southern coasts, based solely on Inuit accounts: “they tell you, that they are covered with a thick shell, have claws and a short tail.” Egede does not claim to have seen one himself. These moments of secondhand testimony stand in contrast to passages where he writes from direct experience, such as the immense flocks of eider-fowl that “cover the whole sea” and fly in such numbers that “you would think there was no end of them.” The shift between firsthand and reported observation is a recurring feature of the narrative, and it invites the reader to consider how much of the book rests on Egede’s own eyes and how much on the word of his informants.

The Missionary’s Eye and the Naturalist’s Hand

Egede’s dual role as missionary and naturalist shapes the book’s voice. In the chapter on the Greenlanders’ religion, he calls their beliefs “superstition,” yet he also records their astronomical ideas with apparent curiosity: they think the sun and moon are brother and sister, and that the stars are the souls of the dead. He does not dismiss these notions outright but presents them as facts to be understood. Elsewhere, his language is more evaluative. He praises the Greenlanders’ capacity for Christianity and suggests ways to convert them, but he also describes their hunting tools and house implements with the same attention he gives to European instruments. The narrative voice is that of an educated European who respects empirical observation, even when the observed culture challenges his assumptions. This tension between judgment and description gives the text a layered quality: it is at once a colonial report, a natural history, and an ethnographic record.

Pace and the Accumulation of Detail

The book’s pace is uneven. Early chapters on geography and climate move quickly, with broad statements about the extent of Greenland and the probability that it forms part of America. But as Egede turns to animals and Inuit life, the narrative slows, accumulating specific details: the three sorts of ducks, the method of catching swordfish with iron chains, the size of a whale’s liver that “makes two or three lasts.” These passages can feel exhaustive, even repetitive, as Egede lists species and their characteristics in a steady, unvarying rhythm. Yet this very accumulation creates a sense of thoroughness. The reader is given the impression that nothing has been omitted. When Egede writes that cat-fish “is the most common food of Greenlanders, insomuch, that when all other things fail, the cat-fish must hold out,” the plainness of the statement carries weight. The pace of the text mirrors the patience of the observer: it is not hurried, and it does not seek to entertain, but to record.

Readers approaching A Description of Greenland should be prepared for a work that shifts between genres. It is part natural history, part missionary report, part travel narrative. Egede’s voice is consistent—measured, observant, occasionally judgmental—but the material he covers is diverse. The book rewards those who read it slowly, attending to the moments where Egede’s own experience breaks through the catalog of facts. It is not a unified argument but a collection of observations, and its value lies in the details.

After years among Greenland’s ice, Hans Egede learned that a place reveals itself slowly, through small, patient details—a current, a word, a custom. I find the same quiet unfolding in From Egypt to Japan — Key Ideas to Explore, where distant cultures murmur their own truths. Both books ask for stillness, and reward it with kinship.

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    Jay Tyler - 3 weeks ago
    A thorough and well-researched description of Greenland, covering everything from its physical features to its cultural aspects. The historical context is fascinating, and it's clear the author knew the subject well. My only minor complaint is that some sections feel a bit dated, which is to be expected, but it might make modern readers crave more current information. Still, a solid foundational text.

  • ...
    Jason Chang - 2 weeks ago
    This book is a prime example of an old-fashioned travelogue that has not aged well. The prose is often stilted and patronizing, and the author's views on the native people reflect the colonial mindset of the time. The scientific observations are interesting, but they're buried under layers of unnecessary detail and moralizing. A more critical editing and a modern perspective would have made this much more valuable.

  • ...
    Jennifer John Patrick - 1 week ago
    This is a captivating and comprehensive account of Greenland, offering a rare glimpse into a land that remains largely mysterious to many. The author's detailed descriptions of the geography, climate, and indigenous people are both informative and respectful. It's a valuable resource for anyone curious about Arctic exploration, history, or the natural world. Highly recommended for armchair travelers and scholars alike.


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