A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 08 — Text and Context
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ted out from England, for trading to file East Indies, by THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OF LONDON, TRADING INTO THE EAST INDIES.[75] By which stile, or legal denomination, George Earl of Cumberland, Sir John Hart, Sir John Spencer, and Sir Edward Mitchelburne, knights, with 212 others, whose names are all inserted in the patent, were erected into a body corporate and politic, for trading to and from all parts of the East Indies, with all Asia, Africa, and America, and all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, towns, and places of the same, or any of them, beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, for fifteen years, from and after Christmas 1600; prohibiting all other subjects of England, not free of this company, from trading to these parts without licence from the company, under forfeiture of their goods and ships, half to the crown and half to the company, together with imprisonment during the loyal pleasure, and until they respectively grant bond in the sum of £1000 at the least, not again to sail or traffic into any part of the said East Indies, &c. during the continuance of this grant. With this proviso, "That, if the exclusive privilege thus granted be found unprofitable for the realm, it may be voided on two years notice: But, if found beneficial, the privilege was then to be renewed, with such alterations and modifications as might be found expedient" This exclusive grant, in the nature of a patent, was dated at Westminster on the 31st December, 1600, being the 43d year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, signed by herself, and sealed with her privy seal.
[Footnote 75: So denominated in the copy of the charter in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 139--147, which we have not deemed it necessary to insert.--E.]
It is by no means intended to attempt giving in this place any history of our East India Company, the early Annals of which, from its establishment in 1600, to the union of the London and English Companies in 1708, have been lately given to the public, in three quarto volumes, by John Bruce, Esq. M.P. and F.R.S. Historiographer to the Honourable East India Company, &c. &c. &c. to which we must refer such of our readers as are desirous of investigating that vast portion of the history of our commerce. All that we propose on the present occasion, is to give a short introduction to the series of voyages contained in this chapter, all of which have been preserved by _Samuel Purchas_, in his curious work, which he quaintly denominated PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS, published in five volumes folio at London in 1625.
In the first extension of English commerce, in the sixteenth century, consequent upon the discoveries of Western Africa, America, and the maritime route to India, it seems to have been conceived that exclusive chartered companies were best fitted for its effectual prosecution. "The spirit of enterprise in distant trade, which had for a century brought large resources to Spain and Portugal, began to diffuse itself as a new principle, in the rising commerce of England, during the long and able administration of Queen Elizabeth. Hence associations were beginning to be formed, the joint credit of which was to support experiments for extending the trade of the realm."[76]
[Footnote 76: Ann. of the Honb. East India Co, I. 206.]
In the reign of Edward VI. a company was projected with this view; which obtained a charter in 1553, from Philip and Mary, under the name of _Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Lands, Countries, Isles, &c. not before known to the English_. This company, of which Sebastian Cabot was governor, in the last year of Queen Mary, had extended its trade through Russia into Persia, to obtain raw silks, &c. In the course of their proceedings, the agents of this company met with merchants from India and China, from whom they acquired a knowledge of the productions of these countries, and of the profits which might be derived from extending the trade of England to these distant regions.[77] In 1581, Queen Elizabeth gave an exclusive charter to the Levant or Turkey Company, for trading to the dominions of the Grand Signior or Emperor of Turkey. In the prosecution of this trade, of which some account has been given in our preceding chapter, the factors, or travelling merchants, having penetrated from Aleppo to Bagdat and Basora, attempted to open an overland trade to the East Indies, and even penetrated to Agra, Lahore, Bengal, Malacca, and other parts of the East, whence they brought information to England of the riches that might be acquired by a direct trade by sea to the East Indies.[78] The circumnavigations of Sir Francis Drake in 1577-1580, and of Mr Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, in 1586, of which voyages accounts will be found in a future division of this work, who brought back great wealth to England, obtained by making prizes of the Spanish vessels, contributed to spread the idea among the merchants of England, that great profits and national advantages might be derived from a direct trade to India by sea.[79]
[Footnote 77: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 107.]
[Footnote 78: Ann. of the Hon. E. India Co. I. 108.]
[Footnote 79: Id. ib.]
In consequence of these views, a memorial was presented to the lords of council in 1589, requesting a royal licence for three ships and three pinnaces to proceed for India, which gave rise to the expedition of Captain Raymond, in 1591, already related. In 1599, an association of London Adventurers entered into a contract for embarking, what was then considered as a _large joint stock_, for the equipment of a voyage to the East Indies. The fund subscribed amounted to £30,133: 6: 8, divided into 101 shares or adventures, the subscriptions of individuals varying from £100 to £3000.[80] This project, however, seems to have merged into the East India Company, at the close of the next year 1600, as already mentioned.
[Footnote 80: Id. III.--From the peculiar amount of this capital sum, the subscriptions were most probably in marks, of 13s 4d. each.--E.]
On the 30th September, 1600, a draft of the patent, already said to have been subsequently sealed on the last day of that year, was read before the _seventeen committees_, such being then the denomination of what are now called _directors_; and being approved of, was ordered to be submitted to the consideration of the Queen and Privy Council. "In this early stage of the business, the lord-treasurer applied to the _Court of Committees_ or Directors, recommending Sir Edward Mitchelburne to be employed in the voyage; and thus, before the Society of Adventurers had been constituted an East India Company, that influence had its commencement, which will be found, in the sequel, to have been equally adverse to the prosperity of their trade and to the probity of the directors."[81] Yet, though still petitioners for their charter, the directors had the firmness to resist this influence, and resolved _Not to employ any gentleman in any place of charge_, requesting to be permitted to _sort_ their business with men of _their own quality_, lest the suspicion of employing _gentlemen_ might drive a great number of the adventurers to withdraw their contributions.[82]
[Footnote 81: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I.128.]
[Footnote 82: Id. ib.]
In the commencement of its operations, the East India Company proceeded upon rather an anomalous plan for a great commercial company. Instead of an extensive joint stock for a consecutive series of operations, a new voluntary subscription was entered into among its members for each successive adventure. That of the _first_ voyage was about £70,000. The _second_ voyage was fitted out by a new subscription of £60,450. The _third_ was £53,500. The _fourth_ £33,000. The _fifth_ was a branch or extension of the third, by the same subscribers, on an additional call or subscription of £13,700. The subscription for the _sixth_ was £82,000. The _seventh_ £71,581. The _eighth_ £76,375. The _ninth_ only £7,200.
In 1612, the trade began to be carried on upon a broader basis by a joint stock, when £429,000 was subscribed, which was apportioned to the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages. In 1618, a new _joint stock_ was formed by subscription, amounting to £1,600,000.[83]
[Footnote 83: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. Vol. I. passim.]
In the year 1617, King James I. of England and VI. of Scotland, granted letters patent under the great seal of Scotland, dated at Kinnard, 24th May, 1617, to Sir James Cunningham of Glengarnock, appointing him, his heirs and assigns, to be governors, rulers, and directors of a _Scottish East India Company_, and authorizing him "to trade to and from the East Indies, and the countries or parts of Asia, Africa, and America, beyond the Cape of _Bona Sperantia_, to the straits of Magellan, and to the Levant Sea and territories under the government of the Great Turk, and to and from the countries of Greenland, and all other countries and islands in the north, north-west, and north-east seas, and other parts of America and Muscovy." Which patent, and all the rights and privileges annexed to it, was subsequently, for a valuable consideration, assigned by Sir James Cunningham to the London East India Company.[84]
[Footnote 84: Ann. &c. I. 192.--_Note_.]
It is quite unnecessary to extend this introductory view of the rise of the India Company any farther, as our limits could not possibly admit any satisfactory deduction of its history, any farther than is contained in the following series of the _Early Voyages_, for which we are almost entirely indebted to the Collection of Purchas. By this _first_ English East India Company, with a capital or joint stock of about 70,000l. at least for the _first_ voyage, were laid the stable foundations of that immense superstructure of trade and dominion now held by the present company. Their first joint stock did not exceed the average of 325l. or 330l. for each individual of 216 members, whose names are recorded in the copy of the charter in _Purchas his Pilgrims_, already referred to. Yet _one_ of these was disfranchised on the 6th July, 1661, not six months after the establishment of the company, probably for not paying up his subscription, as the charter grants power to disfranchise any one who does not bring in his promised adventure.
The East India Company of Holland, the elder sister of that of England, now a nonentity, though once the most extensive and most flourishing commercial establishment that ever existed, long ago published, or permitted to be published, a very extensive series of voyages of commerce and discovery, called _Voyages which contributed to establish the East India Company of the United Netherlands_. It were, perhaps, worthy of the _Royal Merchants_ who constitute the _English East India Company_, now the unrivalled possessors of the entire trade and sovereignty of all India and its innumerable islands, to publish or patronize a similar monument of its early exertions, difficulties, and ultimate success.--E.
_First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under the Command of Captain James Lancaster_.[85]
From the historiographer of the company[86] we learn, that the period of this voyage being estimated for twenty months, the charges of provisions were calculated at £6,600 4:10: and the investment, exclusive of bullion, at £4,545; consisting of iron and tin, wrought and unwrought, lead, 80 pieces of broad cloth of all colours, 80 pieces of Devonshire kersies, and 100 pieces of Norwich stuffs, with smaller articles, intended as presents for the officers at the ports where it was meant to open their trade. Captain John Davis, who appears to have gone as chief pilot, was to have £100 as wages for the voyage, with £200 on credit for an adventure; and, as an incitement to activity and zeal, if the profit of the voyage yielded _two for one_, he was to receive a gratuity of £500; if _three for one_, £1000; if _four for one_, £1500; and if _five for one_, £2000.[87] Thirty-six factors or supercargoes were directed to be employed for the voyage: _Three_ of the _first_ class, who seem to have been denominated _cape merchants_, were to have each £100 for equipment, and £200 for an adventure; _four_ factors of the _second_ class at £50 each for equipment, and £100 for an adventure; _four_ of the _third_ class, with £30 each for equipment, and £50 for adventure; and _four_ of the _fourth_ class, with £20 each for equipment, and £40 for adventure.[88] They were to give security for their fidelity, and to abstain from _private trade_; the _first_ class under penalties of £500 the second of 500 marks, the _third_ at £200 and the _fourth_ of £100 each.[89] These only exhaust fifteen of the thirty-six, and we are unable to account for the remaining twenty-one ordered to be nominated.
[Footnote 85: Purch. Pilgr. I. 147. Astl. I. 262.]
[Footnote 86: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 129.]
[Footnote 87: Id. I. 130.]
[Footnote 88: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 131.]
[Footnote 89: Id. I. 133.]
In the Annals of the Company,[90] we are told that the funds provided for this first voyage amounted to £68,373, of which £39,771 were expended in the purchase and equipment of the ships, £28,742 being embarked in bullion, and £6,860 in goods. But the aggregate of these sums amounts to £77,373; so that the historiographer appears to have fallen into some error, either in the particulars or the sum total. We are not informed of the particular success of this first voyage; only that the conjunct profits of it and of the second amounted to £95 per cent. upon the capitals employed in both, clear of all charges.[91]
[Footnote 90: Id. I.146.]
[Footnote 91: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 153.]
We may state here from the Annals of the Company, that the profits of the _third_ and _fifth_ voyage combined amounted to £234 per cent. Of the _fourth_ voyage to a total loss, as one of the vessels was wrecked in India on the outward-bound voyage, and the other on the coast of France in her return. The profits of the _sixth_ voyage were £121 13:4: per cent. Of the _seventh_ £218 per cent. Of the _eighth_ £211 per cent. Of the _ninth_ £160 per cent. The average profits of the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages were reduced to £87-1/2 per cent.
Captain James Lancaster, afterwards Sir James, who was general in this voyage, was a member of the company; and is the same person who went to India in 1591, along with Captain Raymond. Captain John Davis, who had been in India with the Dutch, was pilot-major and second in command of the Dragon, or admiral ship. It does not appear who was the author of the following narrative; but, from several passages, he seems to have sailed in the Dragon.[92]--E.
[Footnote 92: Astl. I. 262., a and b.]
§ 1. _Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure of the Fleet from Saldanha Bay_.
Having collected a joint stock of _seventy thousand pounds_, to be employed in ships and merchandize in the prosecution of their privileged trade to the East Indies, by means of which they were to bring spices and other commodities into this realm, the company bought and fitted out four large ships for their first adventure. These were the Dragon[93] of 600 tons, and 202 men, admiral, in which Mr James Lancaster was placed as general;[94] the Hector of 300 tons, and 108 men, commanded by Mr John Middleton, vice-admiral; the Ascension of 260 tons, and 82 men, Captain William Brand;[95] and the Susan,[96] commanded by Mr John Hayward, with 84 men:[97] Besides these commanders, each ship carried three merchants or factors, to succeed each other in rotation in case of any of them dying. These ships were furnished with victuals and stores for twenty months, and were provided with merchandize and Spanish money to the value of _twenty-seven thousand pounds_; all the rest of the stock being expended in the purchase of the ships, with their necessary stores and equipment, and in money advanced to the mariners[98] and sailors who went upon the voyage. To these was added, as a victualler, the _Guest_ of 130 tons.[99]
[Footnote 93: This ship, originally called the Malice Scourge, was purchased from the Earl of Cumberland for 3,700l.--Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 128.]
[Footnote 94: In these early voyages the chief commander is usually styled _general_, and the ship in which he sailed the _admiral_.--E.]
[Footnote 95: This person is called by Purchas _chief governor_. Perhaps the conduct of commercial affairs was confided to his care.--E.]
[Footnote 96: The burden of this ship was 240 tons.--Ann. I. 129.]
[Footnote 97: Besides there was a pinnace of 100 tons and 40 men.--Ann. I. 129.]
[Footnote 98: In many of the old voyages, this distinction is made between mariners and sailors: Unless a mere pleonasm, it may indicate able and ordinary seamen; or the former may designate the officers of all kinds, and the latter the common men.--E.]
[Footnote 99: Perhaps the pinnace already mentioned.--E.]
On application to the queen, her majesty furnished the merchants with friendly letters of recommendation to several of the sovereigns in India, offering to enter into treaties of peace and amity with them, which shall be noticed in their proper places. And, as no great enterprize can be well conducted and accomplished without an absolute authority for dispensing justice, the queen granted a commission of martial law to Captain Lancaster, the general of the fleet, for the better security of his command.
Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from Woolwich, in the river Thames, on the 13th of February, 1600, after the English mode of reckoning,[100] or more properly 1601. They were so long delayed in the Thames and the Downs, for want of wind, that it was Easter before they arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days, taking in bread and other provisions, appointed to be procured there. Departing thence on the 18th of April, they came to anchor in Torbay, at which place the general sent on board all the ships instructions for their better keeping company when at sea, and directions as to what places they were to repair to for meeting again, in case of being separated by storms or other casualties. These were the _calms of Canary_; Saldanha bay,[101] in case they could not double the Cape of Good Hope; Cape St Roman, in Madagascar; the island of Cisne, Cerne, or Diego Rodriguez; and finally, Sumatra, their first intended place of trade.
[Footnote 100: At this time, and for long after, there was a strangely confused way of dating the years, which were considered as beginning at Lady-day, the 25th of March. Hence, what we would now reckon the year 1601, from the 1st January to the 24th March inclusive, retained the former date of 1600. The voyage actually commenced on the 13th February, 1601, according to our present mode of reckoning.--E.]
[Footnote 101: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these voyages, that the place then named Saldanha, or Saldania bay, was what is now termed Table bay at the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]
The wind came fair on the 22d of April, when we weighed and stood out of Torbay, directing our course for the Canaries. As the wind continued fair, we had sight of _Alegranza_, or Great Island, the northermost of the Canaries, on the 5th of May, and we directed our course to pass between Fuertaventura and Gran Canaria; and coming to the south of Gran Canaria, thinking to have watered there, we fell into _the calms_, which are occasioned by the high lands being so near the sea. About three in the afternoon of the 7th of May, having the wind at N.E. we departed from Gran Canaria, shaping our course S.W. by S. and S.S.W. till we came into the lat. of 21° 30' N. From the 11th to the 20th, our course was mostly S till we came to lat. 8° N. the wind being always northerly and N.E. In this latitude we found calms and contrary winds, which, at this season of the year, prevail much off this part of the coast of Guinea, alternating with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, and thunder and lightning very fearful to behold, and very dangerous to the ships, unless the utmost care be taken suddenly to strike all the sails, on perceiving the wind to change even never so little. Yet such was the suddenness many times, although the masters of the ships were very careful and diligent, that it could hardly be done in time.
This eighth volume of Robert Kerr's systematic history presents a series of English voyages to the East Indies before and after the establishment of the East India Company. The accounts are arranged as discrete narratives, each preserving the voice and focus of its original author. One excerpt describes the inhabitants of Sierra Leone with notable specificity: their houses are 'thatched with reeds,' their doors are merely mats, and their furniture consists of a few earthen pots and gourds. Such concrete details recur throughout the volume, grounding the reader in the material conditions of the places visited.
The structure of the work moves between sea routes and inland journeys, from the monsoons that governed sailing schedules to the layout of a Javanese town. The editor's arrangement emphasizes the practical knowledge required for navigation and trade, while the original reporters often pause to describe customs, diet, and appearance. This interplay between logistical concerns and ethnographic curiosity shapes the reading experience.
Movement Between Sea and Land
The volume repeatedly shifts between oceanic passages and overland travel. John Eldred's voyage, for instance, goes by sea to Tripoli in Syria, then by land and river to Bagdat and Basora. This alternation is not merely geographical; it reflects two modes of observation. At sea, the focus is on winds, currents, and shipboard incidents. On land, the reporters attend to architecture, food, and social organization. The Sierra Leone account moves from the layout of the town—'not more than thirty or forty houses, all irregularly clustered together'—to the contents of a man's knapsack: provisions, tobacco, a pipe, a 'do-little sword,' and poisoned arrows. The juxtaposition of the vast ocean and the intimate domestic space is a structural pattern that recurs across the volume.
Recurring Images of Domestic Life
Several accounts linger on the furnishings and routines of the people encountered. In Sierra Leone, the narrator notes that bedsteads are 'only a few billets covered by a mat,' and that some have 'hangings of mats, especially about their beds.' The inventory of household items—earthen pots, gourds, a basket for the wife to gather cockles—is given with the same precision as a ship's cargo list. Later, in the description of Java, similar attention is paid to the houses and yards of the Javanese and Chinese inhabitants. These recurring inventories create a sense of comparability across cultures, as if the English reporters are cataloguing the basic elements of human dwelling wherever they go. The repetition of the word 'mat' across different contexts (doors, beds, hangings) subtly underscores the simplicity and adaptability of local materials.
The Role of Tobacco and Ritual
Tobacco appears as a near-constant presence in the Sierra Leone excerpt. The narrator states that 'tobacco likewise is planted by every one, and seems to constitute half their food.' The description of the pipe—'the hole ... is very large, and made of clay well burnt'—and the method of smoking, where both men and women 'swallowing most of it,' suggests a ritualized consumption. The preparation of tobacco by 'straining out its juice while quite green' is noted as a local technique. This attention to a single commodity echoes the volume's broader interest in trade goods, but here the focus is on use rather than exchange. The pipe and tobacco bag, called a tuffio, are carried by every man in his knapsack, and women keep theirs in their wrappers. Such details integrate tobacco into the daily rhythm of life, making it a thread that ties together the ethnographic observations.
Navigational Knowledge and Its Presentation
The volume includes a section 'Of the Monsoons, or periodical Winds, with which Ships depart from Place to Place in India,' by William Barret. This is a technical interlude that contrasts with the narrative accounts. The inclusion of such material reflects the editor's aim to provide a 'complete history of the origin and progress of navigation.' The monsoons are presented as a system to be understood and exploited, not merely as a backdrop. In the voyage narratives, the timing of departures and arrivals is often tied to these winds. For example, the first voyage of the English East India Company in 1601 is tracked from its preparation to its departure from Saldanha Bay, with the seasons governing each stage. The interplay between systematic knowledge and lived experience is a distinctive feature of the volume's structure.
Readers approaching this volume will find it helpful to treat each section as a self-contained report, while also noticing the recurring patterns of observation that link them. The editor's arrangement invites comparison between different voyages and regions. Pay attention to the small, concrete details—the materials of a house, the contents of a bag, the shape of a pipe—as they often carry the most specific evidence of how the English perceived unfamiliar worlds. The volume rewards a slow, attentive reading that moves between the technical and the ethnographic.
I keep thinking about those old voyage logs—how the sailors noticed everything, the weight of unfamiliar air, the way strangers traded glances before words. It reminded me of another account, quieter and warmer, that lingered the same way. There’s something tender in watching people document their worlds, piece by piece, without knowing we’d be reading them centuries later. Travels in the interior of Brazil with notices on its climate, agriculture, commerce, population, mines, manners, and customs: and a particular account of the gold — Background and Themes feels like that same hand reaching out.
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