After Waterloo: Reminiscences of European Travel 1815-1819 — Reading Notes

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Frye, William Edward, 1784-1853, Reinach, Salomon, 1858-1932 [Editor] Project Gutenberg 2004 Not confirmed
Europe -- Description and travel Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 154,426
Reading time 672 min
Text sections 13

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Major William Edward Frye's post-Waterloo travel memoir, edited by Salomon Reinach, records journeys across Europe from 1815 to 1819. The epistolary manuscript, rediscovered in 1907, blends personal observation with cultural commentary, including encounters with censorship, landscape, and local customs.
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young French hussar who had come over to the Allies. He seemed to be an impudent sort of fellow, and said, with the utmost _sang-froid_, that the reason he deserted was that he had not been made an officer as he was promised, and he hoped that Louis XVIII would be more sensible of his merits than the Emperor Napoleon. We returned to Leuze to dinner in the afternoon. This morning we went to assist at a review of General Clinton's division, on a plain called _Le Paturage_, about seven miles distant from Leuze. The Light Brigade and the Hanoverian Brigades form this division. The manoeuvres were performed with tolerable precision, but they were chiefly confined to advancing in line, retiring by alternate companies covered by light infantry and change of position on one of the flanks by _échelon_. The British troops were perfect; the Hanoverians not so, they being for the most part new levies. In one of the _échelon_ movements, when the line was to be formed on the left company of the left battalion, a Hanoverian battalion, instead of preserving its parallelism, was making a terrible diversion to its right, when a thundering voice from the commander of the brigade to the commandant of the battalion: "_Mein Gott, Herr Major, wo gehn Sie hin?_" roused him from his reverie; when he must have perceived, had he wheeled up into line, the fearful interval he had left between his own and the next battalion on the left.

After the review had finished we repaired to the château of the Prince de Ligne, then occupied by Lieut.-General Sir H. Clinton, to partake of a breakfast given by him and his lady. On the breaking up of the breakfast party, General Wilson and myself remained at the château to dine with General Adam _al fresco_ in the garden under the trees. The palace and garden of the Prince de Ligne are both very magnificent. The latter is of great extent, but too regular, too much in the Dutch taste to please me. Little or no furniture is in the palace; but there are some family pictures and a theatre fitted up in one of the halls for the purpose of private theatricals. In the garden is a monument erected by the late Prince de Ligne to one of his sons, Charles by name, who was killed in the Russian service at the siege of Ismail. The present prince is a minor and resides at Bruxelles.

We left Leuze yesterday afternoon and arrived here at seven in the evening in order to be present at the cavalry review the next morning. We partook of an elegant supper given to us by our friend, Major Grant of the 18th Hussars, and we were much entertained and enlivened by the effusions of his brilliant genius and inexhaustible wit. The whole cavalry of the British army passed in review this morning before the Duke of Wellington, who was there with all his staff and received the salutes of all the corps like Godfrey, _con volto placido e composto_. It was a very brilliant spectacle. The Duke de Berri was present. I think I never beheld so ignoble and disagreeable a countenance as this prince possesses. I thought to myself that he had much better have stayed away from this review; for he must be insensible to all patriotism who could take pleasure in contemplating a foreign force about to enter and ravage his own country. We learn that the Duchess d'Angoulême is to have a review of the _fidèles_ very shortly. She is certainly much more warlike than the males of that family; this disposition is increased by her religious fanaticism. This renders her, of course, a most dangerous person to meddle with politics; but great allowances must be made for her feelings, which must naturally be embittered by the recollection of so much suffering during the Revolution and of the barbarous and inhuman treatment experienced by her father and mother.

I observed a peculiarity in this part of the country, viz., that there are villages lying close to each other in some of which French is spoken, in others Flemish; and that, with some few exceptions, the inhabitants of neighbouring villages are reciprocally unintelligible. General Wilson does not intend to return to Bruxelles. I shall accompany him as far as Gand and then return to Bruxelles to await the issue of the contest.

I took leave of General Wilson at Gand on the 22nd of last month and immediately returned here, where I have been ever since. I have shifted my quarters to a less expensive hotel and am now lodged at the _Hôtel de la Paix_. We get an excellent dinner at the table d'hôte for one and a half francs, wine not included; this is paid for extra, and is generally at the price of three francs per bottle. This hotel is very neatly fitted up and is very near the _Hôtel de Ville_. At the table d'hôte I frequently meet Prussian officers who on coming in to visit Bruxelles put up here. We have just learned the proceedings of the _Champ de Mai_ at Paris, by which it appears that Napoleon is solemnly recognized and confirmed as Emperor of the French. This intelligence sent a young Prussian officer, who sat next to me, in a transport of joy, for this makes the war certain. The Prussians seem determined to revenge themselves for the humiliation they suffered from the French during the time they occupied their country, and I sincerely pity by anticipation the fate of the French peasants upon whom these gentlemen may chance to be quartered. Terrible will be the first shock of battle, and it may be daily expected, and dreadful will be the consequences to the poor inhabitants of the seat of war. Cannot this war be avoided? I am not politician enough to foresee the consequences of allowing Napoleon to keep quiet and undisturbed possession of the throne of France; but the consequences of a defeat on the part of the Allies will be the loss of Belgium and the probable annihilation of the British army; certainly the dissolution of the coalition, for the minor German powers, and very likely Austria also, would be induced to make a separate peace. We can clearly see that Napoleon has not now the power he formerly possessed and that the Republican party, into whose hands he has thrown himself, seem disposed not only to remain at peace, but to shackle him in every possible manner. It is evident, too, that his last success was owing to the dislike of the people to the Bourbons from their injudicious and treacherous conduct; and the threats and impossible language held by the priests and emigrants towards the holders of property paved the way for the success of his enterprise and enabled him to achieve a triumph unparalleled in history.

On the contrary, by forcing him to go to war, should he gain the first victory, Belgium will be re-united to France, all the resources of that country brought into the scale against the Allies; Napoleon will be more popular than ever, the Republican party will be put to silence, the enthusiasm of the army will rise beyond all restraint, and, in a word, Napoleon will be himself again. The other Allies can do little without the assistance of England, and our finances are by no means in a state to bear such intolerable drains.

As to the Prussians, on minute enquiry I do not find that they were so ill-treated by the French as is generally believed, and that, except the burden of having troops quartered on them (no small annoyance, I allow), they had not much reason to complain. The quartering of the troops on them and the payment of the war contributions was the necessary consequence of the occupation of their country by an enemy; but I have just been reading a German work, written by a native of Berlin, shortly after the entry of the French troops in that city after the battle of Jena in 1806. This work is entitled _Vertraute Briefe aus Berlin_, and in it the author distinctly declares that the discipline observed by the French troops during the occupation of Berlin was highly strict and praiseworthy, and that the few excesses that took place were committed by the troops of the Rhenish Confederation; and he adds that the inhabitants preferred having a French soldier quartered on them to a Westphalian, Bavarian or Würtembergher. Further, the troops that behaved with the greatest oppression and insolence towards the burghers were those belonging to a corps composed of native Prussians, raised for the service of Napoleon by the Prince of Isenburg.[12] In his recruiting address the prince invites the Prussian youth to enter into the service of the invincible Napoleon, and tells him that to the soldier of Napoleon everything is permitted. The regiment was soon fitted up and the soldiers began to put in practice in good earnest the theory of the _affiche_. They committed excesses of all sorts; and one officer in particular behaved so brutally and infamously to a poor tailor on whom he was quartered, and to whom, before he entered the French service, he was under the greatest obligations, that General Hulin, the commandant of the place at Berlin during the French occupation, was obliged to cashier him publicly on the parade and to cause his epaulettes to be torn from his coat in order to mark the disgust and indignation that he and all the French officers felt at the base ingratitude of this man.

This work, "Vertraute Briefe" (confidential letters), contains much curious matter and very interesting anecdotes respecting the corruption, venality and depravation that prevailed in the Prussian Court and army previous to the war in 1806. Let this suffice to show that the Prussians have not so much reason to complain against the French as they pretend to have; besides, the conduct of the Prussian Government itself was so vacillating and contradictory that they had themselves only to blame for what they suffered. They should have supported Austria in 1805. But the fact is that the vanity and the _amour propre_ of the Prussian military were so hurt at the humiliation they experienced at and after the battle of Jena that it was this that has embittered them so much against the French.

Let it not, however, be supposed for a moment that I seek to excuse or palliate the conduct of Napoleon towards Prussia. I have always thought it not only unjust but impolitic. Impolitic, because Prussia was, and ought always to be, the obvious and natural ally of France, and Napoleon, instead of endeavouring to crush that power, should have aggrandized her and made her the paramount power in Germany. It was in fact his obvious policy to cede Hanover in perpetuity to Prussia, and have rendered thereby the breach between the Houses of Brandenburgh and Hanover irreparable and irreconcilable. This would have thrown Prussia necessarily into the arms of France, in whose system she must then have moved, and all British influence on the Continent would have been effectually put an end to. Another prime fault of Napoleon was that he did not crush and dismember Austria in 1809 as he had it in his power to do; and by so doing he would have merited and obtained the thanks and good will of all Germany for having overturned so despotic and light-fearing a Government. But he has paid dearly for these errors. Instead of destroying a despotic power (Austria), he chose rather to crush an enlightened and liberal nation, for such I esteem the Prussian nation, and I always separate the Prussian people from their Government. The latter fell, and fell unpitied, after one battle; but it has been almost miraculously restored by the unparalleled exertions and energies of the burghers and people. May this be a lesson to the Government! and may the King of Prussia not prove ungrateful!

Troops continue to arrive here daily, and now that the ceremony of the _Champ de Mai_ is over, we may expect that Napoleon will repair to his army and commence operations.

Napoleon arrived at Maubeuge on the 18th and the grand conflict has begun. The Prussians were attacked on the 14th and 15th at Ligny and driven from their position.[13] They are said to have suffered immense loss and to be retreating with the utmost confusion. Our turn comes next. The thunder of the cannon was heard here distinctly the most part of yesterday and some part of our army must have been engaged. Our troops have all marched out of Bruxelles in the direction of the frontier. In the affair with the Prussians we learn that the Duke of Brunswick was killed and that Blucher narrowly escaped being made prisoner.

The grand conflict has begun with us. It is now four o'clock p.m. The issue is not known. The roar of the cannon continues unabated. All is bustle, confusion and uncertainty in this city. Cars with wounded are coming in continually. The general opinion is that our army will be compelled to retreat to Antwerp, and it is even expected that the French will be in Bruxelles to-night. All the towns-people are on the ramparts listening to the sound of the cannon. This city has been in the greatest alarm and agitation since the 16th, when a violent cannonade was heard during the afternoon. From what I have been able to collect, the French attacked the Prussians on the 14th, and a desperate conflict took place on that day, and the whole of the 15th,[14] when the whole of the Prussian army at Ligny, Fleurus and Charleroy was totally defeated and driven from its position; a dislocation of our troops took place early in the morning of the 16th, and our advanced guard, consisting of the Highland Brigade and two Battalions of Nassau-Usingen, fell in with the advanced guard of the French Army commanded by Marshal Ney near Quatre-Bras, and made such a gallant defence against his corps d'armée as to keep it in check the whole day and enable itself to fall back in good order to its present position with the rest of the army, about ten miles in front of Bruxelles. Indeed, I am informed that nothing could exceed the admirable conduct of the corps above mentioned. Yesterday we heard no cannonade, but this afternoon it has been unceasing and still continues. All the caricatures and satires against Napoleon have disappeared from the windows and stalls. The shops are all shut, the English families flying to Antwerp; and the proclamation of the Baron de Capellen[15] to the inhabitants, wherein he exhorts them to be tranquil and assures them that the Bureaux of Government have not yet quitted Bruxelles, only serves to increase the confusion and consternation. The inhabitants in general wish well to the arms of Napoleon, but they know that the retreat of the English Army must necessarily take place through their town; that our troops will perhaps endeavour to make a stand, and that the consequences will be terrible to the inhabitants, from the houses being liable to be burned or pillaged by friend or foe. All the baggage of our Army and all the military Bureaux have received orders to repair and are now on their march to Antwerp, and the road thither is so covered and blocked up by waggons that the retreat of our Army will be much impeded thereby. Probably my next letter may be dated from a French prison.

Judge, my friend, of my astonishment and that of almost everybody in this city, at the news which was circulated here early on the morning of the 19th, and has been daily confirmed, viz., that the French Army had been completely defeated and was in full flight, leaving behind it 220 pieces of cannon and all its baggage, waggons and _munitions de guerre_. I have not been able to collect all the particulars, but you will no doubt hear enough of it, for I am sure it will be _said_ or _sung_ by all the partisans of the British ministry and all the Tories of the United Kingdom for months and years to come; for further details, therefore, I shall refer you to the Gazette. The following, however, you may consider as a tolerably fair précis of what took place. The attack began on the 18th about ten o'clock[16] and raged furiously along the whole line, but principally at Hougoumont, a large _Métairie_ on the right of our position, which was occupied by our troops, and from which all the efforts of the enemy could not dislodge them. The slaughter was terrible in this quarter. From twelve o'clock till evening several desperate charges of cavalry and infantry were made on the rest of our line. Both sides fought with the utmost courage and obstinacy, and were prodigal of life in the extreme. But it is generally supposed that our army must have succumbed towards the evening had it not been for the arrival of Bulow's division of Prussians, followed closely by Blucher and the rest of the army, which had rallied with uncommon celerity. These moved on the right flank of the French, and decided the fortune of the day by a charge which was seconded by a general charge from the whole of the English line on the centre and left of the French. Seeing themselves thus turned, a panic, it is said, spread among the young Guard of the French army, and a cry of "_Sauve qui peut! nous sommes trahis!_" spread like wildfire. The flight became universal; the old Guard alone remained, refused quarter and perished like Leonidas and his Spartans. The Prussian cavalry being fresh pursued the enemy all night, _l'épée dans les reins_, and it may be conceived from their previous disposition that they would not be very merciful to the vanquished. Indeed, on the 15th, it is said that the French were not very merciful to them. It was like the combat of Achilles and Hector.

No thought but rage and never ceasing strife Till death extinguish rage and thought and life.

France will now call out to Napoleon as Augustus did to Varus, "Give me back my legions!" The loss on both sides was very great, but it must have been prodigious on the side of the French. The whole Allied Army is in full pursuit. Several friends and acquaintances of mine perished in this battle, viz., Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton, Colonel Sir H. Ellis and Colonel Morice.

This morning I went to visit the field of battle, which is a little beyond the village of Waterloo, on the plateau of Mont St Jean; but on arrival there the sight was too horrible to behold. I felt sick in the stomach and was obliged to return. The multitude of carcases, the heaps of wounded men with mangled limbs unable to move, and perishing from not having their wounds dressed or from hunger, as the Allies were, of course, obliged to take their surgeons and waggons with them, formed a spectacle I shall never forget. The wounded, both of the Allies and the French, remain in an equally deplorable state.

At Hougoumont, where there is an orchard, every tree is pierced with bullets. The barns are all burned down, and in the court-yard it is said they have been obliged to burn upwards of a thousand carcases, an awful holocaust to the War-Demon.

As nothing is more distressing than the sight of human misery when we are unable to silence it, I returned as speedily as possible to Bruxelles with Cowper's lines in my head:

War is a game, which, were their subjects wise, Kings should not play at.

I hope this battle will, at any rate, lead to a speedy peace.

Major William Edward Frye's manuscript, rediscovered in 1907 after lying in a cupboard for over half a century, offers a firsthand account of European travel in the years immediately following the Battle of Waterloo. Written in epistolary form—though the editor suspects the addressee is fictional—the reminiscences cover Frye's journeys from 1815 to 1819, a period of political and social flux across the continent. The text, preserved in three folio volumes, was revised by Frye himself but left many names incomplete, which editor Salomon Reinach has endeavored to fill. This edition omits some theatrical notes and lengthy descriptions to focus on material of enduring interest.

Censorship and Cultural Barriers

Frye's account of entering Rome reveals a striking encounter with censorship. At the Dogana, formerly the temple of Antoninus Pius, customs officers subjected his baggage to a rigorous search, targeting books. Frye notes that Voltaire and Rousseau faced immediate confiscation, while other works were examined for any content against Mother Church. His volume of Schiller, printed in Gothic type, baffled the inspectors, who could not read German; it was returned the next day after Frye declared it free of heresy. A fellow traveler, a Neapolitan lady, expressed repugnance when her livres galants were uncovered. This episode illustrates the tension between Enlightenment ideas and ecclesiastical control in post-Napoleonic Italy.

Landscape and Dismal Spectacles

The journey from Baccano to Rome is described as unpleasing, with hilly terrain devoid of trees, houses, or cultivation. Frye notes a particularly grim sight: the arms and legs of executed malefactors suspended on poles at intervals along the road, a practice intended in terrorem. These limbs, dangling in the wind, offered an uncomfortable view as evening approached. The landscape itself, he observes, gives no indication of nearing a capital city. This juxtaposition of barren nature and state-sanctioned display of violence underscores the harsh realities of travel in this era.

Epistolary Form and Editorial Intervention

Editor Salomon Reinach's preface provides crucial context for Frye's manuscript. The letters are addressed to an unnamed correspondent, of whose health and circumstances no mention is made, leading Reinach to suspect the addressee is a literary device borrowed from President de Brosses. The manuscript, entirely in Frye's large, legible hand, shows signs of later revision, with many names left blank or indicated only by initials. Reinach acknowledges omitting pages on theatricals and lengthy descriptions of landscapes, museums, and churches, deeming them of limited interest to modern readers. The editorial choices shape the text we encounter, filtering Frye's original observations through a lens of early twentieth-century scholarly judgment.

Readers approaching Frye's reminiscences should attend to the layered nature of the text: the original observations of a British major navigating post-war Europe, the revisions he himself made, and the subsequent editing by Salomon Reinach. The manuscript's survival—passed from Frye's hostess to the G—— family and rediscovered decades later—adds a further dimension. The gaps and blanks in the original invite speculation, while the editor's footnotes, drawing on a network of European scholars, attempt to fill them. This is not a seamless travelogue but a palimpsest of voices and eras.

There is a particular stillness in Major Frye’s notes from after Waterloo, a traveler’s quiet watchfulness as Europe regathered itself. I often think of that same unhurried gaze when I handle Travel Tales in the Promised Land (Palestine) — Key Ideas to Explore. Both books keep a private ledger of place, where the landscape itself seems to hold its breath, waiting for the pen to record its patience.

Anthony Miller
1 month ago

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    Monica Fox - 1 month ago
    An insightful memoir that vividly depicts Europe after Waterloo, though the narrative sometimes meanders. Readers looking for a structured historical analysis might be disappointed, but the personal observations are a valuable glimpse into the period.

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    Alexander Perez - 4 weeks ago
    The book's stream-of-consciousness style makes it hard to follow, and the lack of clear chronology is frustrating. While the author's experiences are interesting, the writing feels unpolished and would benefit from better organization.

  • ...
    Juan Crawford - 2 weeks ago
    A captivating firsthand account of post-Napoleonic Europe. The author's keen eye for social detail and political nuance brings the era to life, offering a unique window into a continent in transition. A must-read for history buffs who crave authentic voices from the past.


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